Care delegates and dear delegates of the national congress of the National Alliance, a few days ago I was speaking to journalists a good prophet, but it was a safe bet: a bit 'of emotion there. There is in taking the floor after ten months since the last time to turn again to my party, all of you who represent the hundreds of thousands of members of the National Alliance, to address even through you to the millions of Italians over the years have given us so much confidence. There is this feeling, not only a natural feeling for me but also because it is quite clear that if one who was secretary of the Italian Social Movement and president National Alliance can now be presented to an audience with the title of president of the Chamber of Deputies, the third-ranking status, it is solely or largely because of the commitment, passion, dedication and sacrifice of all those who for so many years have given everything without asking anything. If our leaders can now turn to you and your many institutional members held posts, if they speak to this stage, the ministers, the mayor of Rome, men and women who shoulder significant institutional commitments, let us say with sincerity, let us remember with pride and with humility: we owe to a long and beautiful history of political engagement, in the highest sense of the word. And is the reason why I feel it is my duty to say thanks to all those who for decades whole, in every part of Italy, particularly in harsh and difficult moments, have always kept the back straight, have always had a big heart , great love for their land, for our strength Italia.La National Alliance, the strength of the right has always been this close relationship that has been created over time, that has changed, just as it was, with The changing national situation, the social arrangements, and behold, we must remember, with humility without arrogance, but to make not only a duty but a sincere tribute, in this case, not of gratitude, but of sincere emotion to those who have not experienced the good times, to those who have closed their eyes before you see the right winner, to those who hoped for a lifetime that this wish could become reality. This is not rhetoric, is awareness. And those who spoke yesterday and today, in case they wanted to pay tribute to our fallen and simultaneously to the foresight of our political masters. We must remember these things, we must remember that today, let us say with clarity and sincerity, it closes a stage, a long period in the history of the postwar political right. Now that the album, beautiful memories is also a symbol that has inspired, in some cases for decades, the political passion of many, many, many good people. Ricordiamocelo today with pride and humility at the same time, two words that are not in opposition to each other: the pride of knowing that if today we can speak to you as president, as mayor of Rome or as a minister of the republic, if today is carried out this act so solemn and important not because it was a gift from someone. There was no clearance, which is a word I do not like and I never liked it because it is on goods not cleared through customs ideas. The ideas or say or are not able to win their battle. And, we can say, we had these long years, the capacity to affirm those ideas. With humility, without any arrogance. There was no gift, there was the grace received, there was no clearance. There was lots and lots and lots of hard-traveled road. There can be no arrogance, there must be humility. Because we certainly have our gratitude to the voters and, as I shall demonstrate in the course of my speech, I must thank our allies in the last fifteen years. We have to remember this today with humility and with vision, with political intelligence, today we are going a step that is not only a solemn, demanding, important to our history. Today we can say of preparing a step that is important for the history of Italy. You already happened in the recent past, that our communities should demonstrate political maturity and awareness, the ability to capture a particular historical moment. This happened particularly in 1994 when the "pulping" of the first republic finally put the Italian right in 
degree of consensus. It has been said and it is true that much of the history of the National Alliance was born when the nominations of members of the Italian Social Movement in municipal elections in Rome and Naples consensus reached unimaginable. That was a time when the right was able to seize a historic moment. This is a different time and in some ways more importante.Oggi we are called not to seize a moment, but to build it. Today we do not take a chance, we do not have a choice of timing, a strategy we are taking today, today we put a stone and we decide, we consciously do it, nobody forces us to put a stone in what is an act which certainly historical importance not only for us, not just for our history, not only for our people, but for our country. We must be conscious of it. And, precisely because, as we wrote in a successful slogan of another conference, we, you, people with soul, people with passion, people with a desire to engage in things they believe, was right to give life not only Congress is a pretty but all the meetings which preceded the Congress, from the smallest to the section of all our associations. And it was fitting that in these assemblies, in this assembly, again and again the doubts were put to the ruling class, the question about the goodness of the choice that we are going to do and at the same time the reasons for medesima.È been said by many : where do we go? Why go there? And I think the answer is in some ways the most proper and necessary for those who had the responsibility to lead, but at the same time knows that the answer is not easy. You see, this rhetorical question does not have to some extent those who responded first to the congress opened. He did indeed Ignazio La Russa, whom I thank not only the relationship but also for the commitment with which he governed the fate of the National Alliance in the last ten months. I know I have given to Ignacio no easy task for many reasons, but I also entrust the helm of 
to share in firm hands. He did, in some ways even more significant before him Servello Franco, a man who as Mirko Tremaglia is the continuity of a story. What they said, Franco Servello, Ignazio La Russa and Mirko Tremaglia with poignant reminder that in March? That the guiding star of the long journey of the Italian political right, since he founded the Italian Social Movement, which gathered the generation that has not surrendered to To date, the North Star has always been one and only one: the love for Italy, his love for the land of their fathers, the love for their country, wanting to give priority to the faction nation, wanted to precede a particular interest, a public interest. It would be rhetorical, it would be historically incorrect if I say, "always has been." Sixty years of history have been years when there have been mixed, even in the Italian right. But there is no doubt that the North Star was that, my friends, who was in Fiuggi has very obvious and clear that part of that strategy began fifteen years ago the first link in a long chain. When in Fiuggi decided to leave the house of his father with tears, with all the pain that results in a fracture, when on that occasion we said with certainty that there we would never return. And I want to say today: we did it with conviction. There were many, among the observers, those who ask, but do it with conviction? They do it because they know they can be useful in terms of consent or do it because they are convinced of the goodness of some decisions and also some very definite opinions? Today I can say on behalf of all: we did because we were convinced. And we've demonstrated that belief in the most difficult, at times when there have been controversies, at times when we lost the election, when friends who were with us have made another choice, and if not gone. We have not gone back. That ring is a ring of a long chain. And it is a ring that represented the first confirmation of a choice: to consider the party only a tool, not an end in itself. A party, put it very well Servello, is never a value. A party is a means, a tool, a way by which it seeks to achieve a goal. The objective was, from the first moment, the love for our land, national reconciliation, greater social cohesion, a renewed Italy's international prestige. The declassified party to the instrument. The party intended not as a value in itself but as means to an end. And if this was, and then the party could not live by ideology. Fiuggi represented the birth of the right post-ideological. A right that, rejecting the ideology, in some way condemned to the past and what is judged negatively in the past had been the rate of right-wing ideology. A Fiuggi we did not deal with homesickness. A Fiuggi we come to terms with the state Ethics, which does not belong in a democracy, we did deal with a type of corporate conception of the economy that does not belong to modern times, we have filed a phase and we stated our desire not to preserve the memory task as noble as it is limited to a political season. We have stated our willingness to start building the futuro.E we did say clearly that there could be part of our militants no presumption of moral superiority toward others. Fiuggi was a turning point not only because we have come to terms with the past. Just because we agreed that the first value is the freedom of man, that democracy is the first value of the institutions, then we did not hesitate to meet with the facts, with sharp words, words of condemnation of Italian history between the two wars. But with this act we have banished the concept of superiority. We are not superior to others, there are no enemies. There are opponents. The task of the right is was from that time to initiate a policy to build a better present for a future in which it was even more. We have closed the long period of so-called "alternative to the system" and we started to create a political action aimed at the modernization of the Italian system. The logic underlying the logic of the enemy opponent. As he said, among many, with greater clarity than any other, who is certainly one of the fathers of the Italian right in the last fifteen years: Pinuccio Tatarella. The enemy is or who you beat or beats. The opponent can beat you or beat you, but the day after the competition continues. There are shared values. Fiuggi is not only the end of ideology, the end of nostalgic. Fiuggi is a stage when you switch to an alternative party system, based on alleged non-existent as a moral superiority of the right to a stage where you try to build a democracy of a bipolar system. This is the stage where you start talking about a right that had to demonstrate the culture of government even when Democratic voters gave him the role of the opposition. And just because I think it is a duty of honesty to the end of a season at the same time when you close one phase and another opens, I have no hesitation in saying that we were not always always live the task of such a high culture of government, because in some cases not all of us were very clear that the culture of government does not mean the culture of power, does not mean the party as a means of conceiving of places of power or sottopotere. And I want to say with absolute sincerity: when I read - and I thank all the journalists who have written comments can be shared by those who wrote negative comments, always with intellectual honesty - that An, according to some, should not be dissolved because it could undermine the power to influence choices and even place their men in this or that board of directors, well let me say that if that were the case then we should dissolve really. Why the National Alliance was not a party but a party of power with government culture. That is something completely different. There were lights and shadows. There was no moral superiority. There was maybe at some point, increased susceptibility to a culture of power. But there's no doubt who was in Fiuggi that threw the first seed of what later became the People of Freedom. The first seed because all Italians to rally in a post-ideological logic, a logic for the construction of the future, reveals a more modern, more of a democracy of the European Union. Were fifteen years with ups and downs, as is natural. Dobbiamo però essere orgogliosi perché sono stati quindici anni di linea politica in qualche modo strategicamente orientata verso uno solo obiettivo. In questi anni il tatticismo ha prevalso nella politica italiana. Qualche volta, diciamolo, anche noi abbiamo fa 
tto il peccato di privilegiare la tattica alla strategia, ma si è trattato di piccoli peccati lungo un percorso che al contrario è stato lineare. La strategia a Fiuggi è stata quella di far nascere l´alleanza nazionale, l´alleanza tra gli italiani e, oggi, si compie quel percorso. Quindici anni di coerenza strategica, quindici anni in cui abbiamo privilegiato alleanze rispetto a spinte isolazionistiche e identitarie, quindici anni in cui abbiamo perseguito the goal through the support of all initiatives, from the referendum initiatives, designed to make irreversible the bipolar system and democracy of a more solid, fifteen-year alliance with the Friends of Forza Italy, fifteen years to support all initiatives to deliver the party politics of the past, the proliferation of factions more or less identity, the ideological dell'armamentario veterans of the last century to build a new Italy. Fifteen years and has done well to remember Ignazio La Russa, the alliance with Berlusconi and Forza Italy in good times and bad. But always, however, established an alliance, because Berlusconi has represented him well said Alemanno, one who has set in motion a policy that threatened to bog down, he represented the hopes and the fears of some Italians. He represented anything but a meteor, far from the leader of a party, plastic, anything but an incomprehensible approach to the eyes of Italians, because time is a gentleman, because democracy is the voters who give and take away the licenses. Italy was a new force in Italian political scene and because it was a novelty that had its roots in the past but somehow, just because of not having a past ideology, trying to manage the present and to build because of the its capabilities in the future, it was more natural that the National Alliance over the past fifteen years gave birth to a strategic alliance with Berlusconi's party.
We've had difficult times, we had ups and downs, but over a period of fifteen years this has changed Italian history, that never happened between us and Berlusconi's party there was the time of breaking incurable. It has happened with others. Some of this failure have not yet sewn together, others have this break metabolized and is returned to an alliance. What is certain is that between the Italian right and the party founded by Berlusconi's been a long haul because of misunderstanding, the fact of controversy, made of rough but also made up of a long wire core: trying to build an Italy that was different, that it was best that he had the eye looks to the past, that did not have nostalgia for a mediation center in which each is capable of, not so much to guide policy, but to soften the harshness. An alliance which was finalized a project for the new century. And today, giving rise to the PDL or PDL life takes place the last link in this long strategy. Because today, in my opinion, the conditions are there? First, because these fifteen years have made possible an alliance, not only among the ruling classes, which in some ways the alliance less solid, in the last fifteen years has emerged an alliance between the basic voters. Has emerged an alliance based on shared values. The PDL is anyone born after Dec. 2, according to others in the April 13 polls: he was born still in the ballot box or in the streets does not matter, it is certain that he had a long period of gestation and preparation lasted fifteen years. The People of liberty was born in San Babila with so-called speech of steps. At that time Mr Berlusconi has had the ability, in the most acute phase of the clash with the National Alliance, to raise. He raised maybe when no one believed any more. But there is no doubt that this union between our people and voters of Forza Italy had established over fifteen years. And why I say an alliance based on shared values? Why this is, in my view, the great difference that exists between the people of freedom and the other political party, the Democratic Party, which anticipated a more complete bipolarity through the meeting, the union's political history. It has been said the Democratic Party has created a cold fusion. The People of Freedom will be able to give birth to a hot melting, based on shared values? The question is legitimate but the answer is actually quite easy, obvious. Because today the PDL can be confident that this alliance now reach the last act, the most symbolic, that mostly involves the emotions, but it is natural to you very clearly what has happened in the last fifteen years. Because reference values \u200b\u200bare there and are the same. And are the values \u200b\u200bof the European People's Party. What was the figure of the political difficulties of the Democratic Party? It was not only the issue of leadership is not accepted by all, having had a large endowment popular Walter Veltroni, the primaries. The figure of the political difficulties of the Democratic Party was in its European location. Unable to say what a great European family is going to place the new party that arise from insufficiently metabolized between political culture in Italy were not only different from each other but in some case alternatives. We'll see if Mr. Franceschini or dissolve this new stage manager node that is the political problem par excellence. Because in the very moment when Italian politics is more and more European, at the same time when the challenges are increasingly beyond national borders, it can not be credible at home if you say "we have created a great new party" , and then be in the uncertain position in Brussels as part of the great European families. There is a third way in Europe between the European Socialist Party and Popular Party europeo.Era the illusion that the PD was based on the inability to clearly explain what were the benchmarks, this difficulty we do not have one. We may have difficulty in merging the organization, may have difficulty in this or that association, may have difficulty in emphasis or absence of certain arguments of policy priority, but there is no doubt that we have no difficulty in ' indicate what are the benchmarks of the PDL. They are the reference values \u200b\u200bof the people of freedom, are the reference values \u200b\u200bof the European People's Party and the reference values \u200b\u200bare able to respond to those anxieties that not only Italian company, but the anxieties of Europe, the anxieties West. Because today there are conditions for this new, great, adventure? Why the crisis of the Italian left is not so much the crisis of consensus, the consensus comes and goes, in my view is a crisis of ideas. Why in the face of what are the new challenges that the future of the people at your door is the paraphernalia, luggage culturtale of the Left today shows that the rope. You realized that my friends in the past 15 years because she was born Fiuggi, not because she was born Forza Italy, but also for the AN and FI, in the last 15 years has disappeared from the lexicon of journalists, that phrase from the lexicon of politicians " cultural hegemony of the left "that Gramsci's time onwards had provided insurance for the Italian left the possibility of having permission? The Italian left today is a crisis of ideas, not in a crisis of organization. Franceschini is right to say, as he said yesterday, that have a large party of six to seven thousand circles. But the problem of a major political force in an era of bipolar with the challenges that are now on the shoulders of the West, is not only the organization, and ideas. That's why we must be optimistic about our futuro.Perché if you go digging a bit 'in what are the values \u200b\u200bof the European People's Party, which then of course we decline in our national tradition, then Well perhaps you have the answer to that is the crisis of the West, the anxiety of the West. What are these values? Certainly the awareness of the primacy of human dignity. It is the main value that should be guaranteed and protected by political action. It is the state's authority, is the dignity of the person. And if the value in guiding policy is that it is obvious that the state can not restrict freedom. The State must in some ways enhance the freedom, the State must ensure that all the pursuit of freedom. It is a conception of a cultural nature that has consequences when dealing with issues related to safety, relating to the legality. The iconography of the old law and order right now declined to be in a different way if you really believe that what we want is not the order of the barracks, is the order imposed against freedom, but is otherwise intimate that order in a cohesive society where there is defense and somewhat increased the dignity of the human person the dignity of the human person no matter what skin color, whatever you believe in God, whatever their social role. The primacy of human dignity. That concept that exists in the European People's Party and that is hard to establish itself in the Pd or the Party of European Socialists, on the need to create an action between the various institutional bodies and the various social bodies to be marked by that principle of subsidiarity which is not only the type of vertical subsidiarity, is that of horizontal subsidiarity which is absolutely necessary now that the state is no longer the juggernaut of the last century. And it is around these values \u200b\u200band others that you must then configure the action of a party, the PDL is able to answer to today's problems. The other big question, that value is clear in the manifesto of the EPP , the cultural synthesis that already in Fiuggi we saw before others, that message through which you must claim a social market economy which is the synthesis of certain cultural traditions of the past century that have fallen into disuse because they continue to maintain a their inner vitality. Today, what is it that sends a crisis many analysts linked to the schemes of the past? It is the dimension of the crisis, is the nature of the crisis. The economic crisis now comes primarily from the center of gravity that recently the market had moved on financial data. The financing of the economy has created the crisis. Which means that if you want to first give a message of hope but not only indicate a way out of crisis, must return the focus to the economy what is the actual production of wealth. The economy can not be based solely on finance because at the same time he does it can cause immediate and easy enrichment and impoverishment as immediate and easy. But not only enrich a few and impoverishment for entire peoples.
And that idea of \u200b\u200beconomy where the market is certainly the place to build wealth in charge but is somehow tempered by the action of regulatory institutions, the social dimension which is the cultural hub of the EPP, is not only the answer must be provided also in Italy and in much of Europe, is certainly an answer that is in full harmony with the traditional values \u200b\u200bof the Italian right and the traditional values \u200b\u200bof many of the Italian political forces that come together and give life to the PDL. And always in these answers to questions that do not questions are of little consequence, the value represented in the EPP by secular institutions. That EPP that time is no longer an international with the Christian-Democratic type. Secular nature of institutions that can not mean in any way deny the Church's magisterium, let alone to define the dimension that people have an identity of the religious aspect. The secular nature of institutions means - because it is a cornerstone of our Western culture for almost two centuries - a clear separation, not just as rightly said yesterday Berlusconi "any type of collateral, but mainly clear and explicit statement about the boundary that must separate the privacy with respect to religion. Because a truly secular state is at the same time recognizing the value of religion but places the value of religion in the choices that are of individual and personal, can not be chosen because collettivo.Ecco type, we could cite other examples The PDL can only be, as they said Gasparri and Matteoli, a culturally plural party. Let me say that should not and can not be a right-wing party, it must be a party where certain values \u200b\u200bare the right yeast, are the value added, are the element that is capable of producing a summary of policy and to make a leap forward in the ability of the party, not only to imagine the future of Italy, but to build it. A container large, airy, plural, inclusive, inter-class, open, of course unit. Unit but can not mean "a single thought," why is there a contradiction between people's freedom and unique thought. Unit but with the diversity of views. Certainly a democratic party, a party where there are rules - and that the statute Ignazio La Russa has read this warranty - but just as certainly we never, ever have to think and organize themselves according to the degeneration of democracy which is the correntocrazia. I want to say to all those who enter the PDL: PDL anyone to think in the current form of An. Why should this be the goal, my friends, was worth it then eat now? Was not it more useful and appropriate - if you think you can affect and determine what Quelch in terms of handling logic of power - held a party, an instrument of ten or twelve per cent? The PDL can not and must not have the current organization must have a healthy exchange of ideas and opinions, of solutions to the problems of today and even more problems tomorrow. Then a party but not organized in the democratic currents, but not a single thought unit, a party that can be configured so because it has strong leadership recognized. I think there was an excess of stucchevolezza in the debate that has so far accompanied - A leader is one, the two leaders are, what does Fini - my friends the PDL has a leader called Berlusconi. It is quite evident. After that, Berlusconi knows that a strong and recognized leadership in no case be the cult of personality. Why is one thing to be a leader, it is one thing to think that only those leaders can make a contribution of ideas, commitment, solutions, policies, guidelines summary. After that I said and I confirm: the leaders are not baptized, the leaders are not created at the table, leaders are born at the same time we have the political skills and there are those who aspire to lead a community . The problem of An and the PDL can not be that of leadership. The problem must instead be to ensure that the PDL is not a person but the party of a nation. That the PDL is the ability to give answers and to identify a project for Italy. Why do we need the PDL? because we have to imagine Italy ten or fifteen years. And since we are a government force, we must begin to build it. How it works? Other evidence that memories of the past. It means being aware of the problems that the country has. It means to ask what form such institutions should have. I hope that this legislature is a Constituent Assembly because Italy is likely to have the pace even slower than that of other European countries if it does not to a life of its constitutional reform that would counter a beautiful image of Censis a few years ago. According to those researchers Italy looked like a bumble bee, that could fly nearly winning the laws of physics, it seemed impossible and even got up from the ground. Then for a certain period of time a sort of chrysalis, the eternal transition. The PDL if it is to imagine Italy tomorrow and begin to build it must get it out there in the butterfly chrysalis. We have an institutional system that is outdated and can not be only a step in forgetting the inner consistency of a system. It is necessary that there is in this legislature, not so much a fresh start on the issue of institutional reforms but there is more awareness that is necessary to entrust the chief executive who is chosen democratically and freely by the voters the right and duty to govern, the more you have to say for the Parliament's role to check. The presidential system is an essential point of call for modern Italy, but the presidential system can not be a Parliament that is put into a corner and in which you chide not to disturb the operator. Parliament must again become the place of the control. Perhaps fewer laws in Parliament, but more power to control, more power to address, because that really work democracies that are oriented in the semi-presidential or presidential duties. In the U.S., the occupant of the White House is the most powerful chief executive of the world, but at the same time there is a Congress that has a central role, a monitoring role, a role of address. Institutional reform is essential for an Italy more modern. It is essential for there to be, implemented after the federal-level tax at the level of government, a federal-type institutions. But what the PDL expects to enter into the country in Parliament and a discussion with the opposition on a policy of institutional reform that would strengthen both the powers, executive and legislative branches? What do you expect the Parliament to declare the end of bipolarity perfect? We can not have them allow both Houses of Parliament with the same features and identical powers. The problem is not only to the parliamentary rules that are outdated, that is the time to pass a law is on average twice that of other countries, for all the mechanism that makes sure that if a law is changed by a single comma must back in the other branch. So a room that gives confidence, a room that has a great power to control and direction over the other to represent the territory, autonomy, the regions, to represent that federalism is widespread. A new institutional form. Italy fifteen years is also conceived in its international role as a euro-Mediterranean role, because that is the fate of Italian in a European policy in recent times - perhaps could not be otherwise given the Union of twenty-seven Union and given the difficulties in the absence of the Treaty of Lisbon - seems to have lost the consciousness that the Mediterranean is the heart of much of Western culture, is the heart of all who may be moments of confrontation and, God forbid, to clash with other civilizations. Think
idea of \u200b\u200bItaly in the Mediterranean and think at the same time for the next ten years what will be the degree of cohesion Nord-Sud. The issue of our South can not disappear from the political debate. And I mean the avoidance of doubt: the danger is not federalism. Indeed, in some aspects of fiscal federalism represents an opportunity for empowerment of the southern ruling class. Perhaps, if well implemented, federalism will be just the pick that will blow some logical patronage, some logical para-mafia. But the problem is the weakness of our South of the State. Because there is no doubt that the North-South competition, competition in the Mediterranean, the South may see a player only if the state is present. As for the construction of infrastructure and with regard to the guarantee of legality. I wish that we build together the PDL is present on the occasion of these major events occasionally take place in the South as it did yesterday in Naples in the name of law and in the name of fighting the mafia. Why is not the prerogative of a party, because it is foolish to think that it can be only one part to raise those flags, because our social cohesion and southern Italy will only be granted if the State in the South will be with absolute certainty as to infrastructure gap that must be removed. And with absolute firmness with regard to its legality. And yet think of a project for Italy's future in its institutional form, its location in the Mediterranean, in the national cohesion that has to give back to the South a positive protagonist, thought in his economic arrangements as the crisis there, because nobody knows what is before us. Why understanding the confrontation between the majority and opposition due I believe that the PDL is to address the problem of how to translate the new testament that is not the only north-south agreement is the covenant between categories, is the compact between generations. Why Italy or save the whole of the crisis or may not be saved. And I think we should take back that assumption I made on other occasions, in different guise, then speaking as chairman of the House. The government is right to make its own choices and the opposition accuses of course and somehow opposed other ideas, other ideas, but if we really aware of the extent of the crisis, we do not exclude those states to create a general economy, that confrontation between social partners, employers, lands from which they can possibly get out a shared vision and in some ways a positive solution to a crisis that does not about this or that aspect of society, but that is all our society. So this is a great task, imagine Italy fifteen years and begin to build it. A big task for a large political movement, a great political movement of people that certainly there is, the percentage of agreement is high, but also a political movement of ideas, proposals and synthesis. And this is the challenge. Do not take the our identity, do not take our flag, but to take our ability to read Italian society and to identify what is needed to respond to problems. It would be a huge demonstration of myopia to think of the people of freedom only with the perspective of the merger of organization. Even at the risk of appearing presumptuous of me to tease journalists tomorrow, let me mention De Gaulle: "La politique d'abord, the Intendencia suivre." As will be organized as federations or the new party will be organized is important, but can not be the object of attention, concern, and certainly not the reason why you must be convinced in PDL. Because the issue is first and foremost as a project for Italy tomorrow, what ideas, what policies, such as synthesis, which leads if you want. We have to question everything, from me. I am aware, I accept the challenge. Everyone in the discussion. For some will be less advantageous position, for a few more opportunities will open up, perhaps unexpected, positive, but the challenge must be addressed. We are aware. We should not fear that even this alliance, this meeting, this historical fact may in some way dilute the identity, make it lose. There was a sort of mantra autoconsolatorio, I've heard so many times. It is rightly so, but be careful - my friends - There were some doubts in Fiuggi. Someone even went, because he thought it was impossible to keep creating an identity for the National Alliance. Then someone in the name of the identity sought other avenues have proved of lanes closed. Closed but not by the nomenclature, closed by the voters. The voters have chosen April 18, there was our symbol on the card, and then there was the PDL who proudly said "I'm right." And the result is known. The identity is not like the blanket, autoconsolatoria. The identity is not guaranteed with the high-sounding slogan, with the declamation, with more or less muscular rhetoric of propaganda. The identity, when it is based on values, must be able to give answers, state of the roads, to steer a path, and is the reason why we should not worry about the PDL of our identity. We have to worry about the identity of the Italians in ten, fifteen years because the polar star is one we have spoken about the love for our land, love for our country, the challenge is: how Italy will be in ten years, what will be the identity that will have our country. And we must begin to build that identity, combining modernity and tradition that has always, somehow, the binary forced the Italian right. And, mind you, there are challenges. They are huge. I would like the PDL do not compare between former Alliance and Forza Italy and the former of the other parties, I wish the PDL groped began to provide answers to some already knocking at the door, which in some cases have already entered. Is it not true that our society in ten or fifteen years will be very different from what it is today? And that will for the first time in the history of the Italian people a multi-ethnic, multi-religious society? When you are confronted with the issue of immigration, it can not be done only with the logic - but right - most of those who want more order and security, therefore, necessarily wants us to be the expulsion of illegals.
This is not the issue. The real big issue is that we are in a country that has always demographically older and that will inevitably be more and more people in the near future will be without Italian children of Italian, with other stories behind it, with other identities, other cultures . It is a great challenge that Italy has never lived than other countries. It is a challenge that is essential to be clear to distinguish assimilation from integration. Be clear about the important meaning of the language, be clear that a multiethnic society necessarily tends to be a kind of multi-religious society, This does not mean of course create a kind of agnosticism. From this point of view the identity of the Italian people in religious terms is clearly oriented to what is Christian and Catholic teaching. But there will be more and more comparisons with other religions in Italy. A multi-racial society, a society that poses problems in terms of education, in terms of guarantees of rights, because if we want to be consistent with what we say, if the first is always and only the human person, then it is obvious that you can not discriminate - If the first is the human person - in the case of an immigrant, was also illegal. It is a great challenge, a challenge that is not addressed with the rhetoric, does not deal with the slogan, is not addressed by showing the muscle, is faced with if there is the ability to think, to answer in terms of culture. Look at what happens outside our borders. Even if this were not enough because, as an increasingly multiethnic society, in the heart of the Mediterranean, the Italians put the problem in a completely new relationship with Islam. It raises the question of the relationship with Islam in a time when the dividing line between the clash of civilizations and dialogue among civilizations is still uncertain, with all that implies. From this point of view, I think it is clear that fundamentalism, all forms of fundamentalism, is a powerful additive for Professionals the prospect of a clash of civilizations. And I do not think the PDL, the party of 40 percent, he wants to imagine the future of our country in ten years or less may unwittingly take sides in a logic of confrontation. We must necessarily encourage an interview, to promote understanding in respect - of course - of identity, but in a policy that is based on the repudiation of any notion of superiority or fundamentalism. It is a cultural challenge - my friends - and the Italian Left in these matters has not yet been able to provide convincing answers. Now it's up to us. The consensus is wrong and also because it has the capacity to intercept not only the fears, but to intercept and respond positively the hopes of the Italians. And yet, what it means to think of Italy in ten, fifteen years? It means thinking about what can cause the spread ever wider in society than it is rightly called moral relativism, the lack of principles, the confusion that is increasingly made between what is right and what is not is. And I think the answer in terms of culture, in terms of education, starting from the youngest, must be disclosed in our part of what I like to call an ethic, an ethic of republican responsibilities, which is most evident at an ideal pantheon, as much if it is spoken, not of right, but a pantheon Italian society over the next decade there should be those figures right in the name of duty and institutions have given their lives. Do not you fight relativism, "who makes me do it", not the most distinguishing what is right from what is not, if not saying the ethics of duty and the prize that a company must necessarily be able to recognize those who sacrifice themselves for that duty. And I thank those who, I think it was Fabio Granata, wanted to remember - when speaking of identity - a proud activist in Fuan, many years ago: the national purse. We remember him because he was not militant Fuan. And again, without getting bored, thinking that Italy is to begin tomorrow to ask questions of this nature. There is a clear act in the crisis of liberal capitalism. It is unthinkable to the crisis of liberal democracies? Because who knows history knows that the two structures have been born and have grown together. And what's the answer that should come from Italy? An Italy that can not be merely a suburb, but should be back to the forge where ideas are born, the place that feeds a debate that is not only within national boundaries. And yet, there is a risk of social atomization. It is not only the cohesion debate on North-South, are increasingly close relations that bind together Italians, even the fathers to the children. It is essential that Selfishness is opposed to a widespread practice of solidarity as prevalent. And once again, is not a question of culture, is a political challenge. And how, as an initiative to translate it into law, so that the PDL is the pillar of the Italian Government and will be expected for the entire term and perhaps for the next. We can not manage a political consensus against the current opposition. We try to manage the consent of Dream of Italy tomorrow and if anything, proving that the current opposition does not know how to give the answers because maybe not imagine Italy tomorrow. Here, they are not easy challenges. They are certainly difficult challenges are challenges that can not be tackled with the logic self- the party that has defined the scope of his consent. If the task had been to then we might as well keep An, is hope that the 12 becomes 13, 14. Not answer the challenge that the future already leads in every home and every home within the European Union with the logic of those who is still closely with the head in the last century. And it is a reason why we must overcome the Pillars of Hercules, we must think big, fly high. We must try to provide the answers the Italian company needs. You may obtain the consent of fueling the fear, you must obtain the consent by offering hope and the certainty with a coherent, able to build that future. I think this is the great task the PDL, a great movement of people, which must be both a great movement of ideas. It will be the most difficult challenge: to demonstrate that not really changed much since 1946, but since 1994. In `94 we, the sons of the exiles to their homeland were called to come to terms with their past. Today, the protagonists in the country, we are called to begin An deal with the Italians tomorrow. It's a completely different perspective, is a great historical mission to be lived with enthusiasm, those who enter the PDL credono.Entrino those who really love Italy. Enter those who believe in the goodness of their and our ideas, so let me conclude with a slogan of our youth, with simplicity and at the same time the effectiveness of the slogans: If you are afraid to say that the ideas are worth nothing or you believe or not is nothing those who are afraid. Do not be afraid of the future, we must be aware of the possibility of building it right now. We must lay the heart beyond the obstacle, and work with the same tenacity with which we have done for so many years. Today ends the National Alliance, founded the People of Liberty, continues our love for Italy.
degree of consensus. It has been said and it is true that much of the history of the National Alliance was born when the nominations of members of the Italian Social Movement in municipal elections in Rome and Naples consensus reached unimaginable. That was a time when the right was able to seize a historic moment. This is a different time and in some ways more importante.Oggi we are called not to seize a moment, but to build it. Today we do not take a chance, we do not have a choice of timing, a strategy we are taking today, today we put a stone and we decide, we consciously do it, nobody forces us to put a stone in what is an act which certainly historical importance not only for us, not just for our history, not only for our people, but for our country. We must be conscious of it. And, precisely because, as we wrote in a successful slogan of another conference, we, you, people with soul, people with passion, people with a desire to engage in things they believe, was right to give life not only Congress is a pretty but all the meetings which preceded the Congress, from the smallest to the section of all our associations. And it was fitting that in these assemblies, in this assembly, again and again the doubts were put to the ruling class, the question about the goodness of the choice that we are going to do and at the same time the reasons for medesima.È been said by many : where do we go? Why go there? And I think the answer is in some ways the most proper and necessary for those who had the responsibility to lead, but at the same time knows that the answer is not easy. You see, this rhetorical question does not have to some extent those who responded first to the congress opened. He did indeed Ignazio La Russa, whom I thank not only the relationship but also for the commitment with which he governed the fate of the National Alliance in the last ten months. I know I have given to Ignacio no easy task for many reasons, but I also entrust the helm of 
to share in firm hands. He did, in some ways even more significant before him Servello Franco, a man who as Mirko Tremaglia is the continuity of a story. What they said, Franco Servello, Ignazio La Russa and Mirko Tremaglia with poignant reminder that in March? That the guiding star of the long journey of the Italian political right, since he founded the Italian Social Movement, which gathered the generation that has not surrendered to To date, the North Star has always been one and only one: the love for Italy, his love for the land of their fathers, the love for their country, wanting to give priority to the faction nation, wanted to precede a particular interest, a public interest. It would be rhetorical, it would be historically incorrect if I say, "always has been." Sixty years of history have been years when there have been mixed, even in the Italian right. But there is no doubt that the North Star was that, my friends, who was in Fiuggi has very obvious and clear that part of that strategy began fifteen years ago the first link in a long chain. When in Fiuggi decided to leave the house of his father with tears, with all the pain that results in a fracture, when on that occasion we said with certainty that there we would never return. And I want to say today: we did it with conviction. There were many, among the observers, those who ask, but do it with conviction? They do it because they know they can be useful in terms of consent or do it because they are convinced of the goodness of some decisions and also some very definite opinions? Today I can say on behalf of all: we did because we were convinced. And we've demonstrated that belief in the most difficult, at times when there have been controversies, at times when we lost the election, when friends who were with us have made another choice, and if not gone. We have not gone back. That ring is a ring of a long chain. And it is a ring that represented the first confirmation of a choice: to consider the party only a tool, not an end in itself. A party, put it very well Servello, is never a value. A party is a means, a tool, a way by which it seeks to achieve a goal. The objective was, from the first moment, the love for our land, national reconciliation, greater social cohesion, a renewed Italy's international prestige. The declassified party to the instrument. The party intended not as a value in itself but as means to an end. And if this was, and then the party could not live by ideology. Fiuggi represented the birth of the right post-ideological. A right that, rejecting the ideology, in some way condemned to the past and what is judged negatively in the past had been the rate of right-wing ideology. A Fiuggi we did not deal with homesickness. A Fiuggi we come to terms with the state Ethics, which does not belong in a democracy, we did deal with a type of corporate conception of the economy that does not belong to modern times, we have filed a phase and we stated our desire not to preserve the memory task as noble as it is limited to a political season. We have stated our willingness to start building the futuro.E we did say clearly that there could be part of our militants no presumption of moral superiority toward others. Fiuggi was a turning point not only because we have come to terms with the past. Just because we agreed that the first value is the freedom of man, that democracy is the first value of the institutions, then we did not hesitate to meet with the facts, with sharp words, words of condemnation of Italian history between the two wars. But with this act we have banished the concept of superiority. We are not superior to others, there are no enemies. There are opponents. The task of the right is was from that time to initiate a policy to build a better present for a future in which it was even more. We have closed the long period of so-called "alternative to the system" and we started to create a political action aimed at the modernization of the Italian system. The logic underlying the logic of the enemy opponent. As he said, among many, with greater clarity than any other, who is certainly one of the fathers of the Italian right in the last fifteen years: Pinuccio Tatarella. The enemy is or who you beat or beats. The opponent can beat you or beat you, but the day after the competition continues. There are shared values. Fiuggi is not only the end of ideology, the end of nostalgic. Fiuggi is a stage when you switch to an alternative party system, based on alleged non-existent as a moral superiority of the right to a stage where you try to build a democracy of a bipolar system. This is the stage where you start talking about a right that had to demonstrate the culture of government even when Democratic voters gave him the role of the opposition. And just because I think it is a duty of honesty to the end of a season at the same time when you close one phase and another opens, I have no hesitation in saying that we were not always always live the task of such a high culture of government, because in some cases not all of us were very clear that the culture of government does not mean the culture of power, does not mean the party as a means of conceiving of places of power or sottopotere. And I want to say with absolute sincerity: when I read - and I thank all the journalists who have written comments can be shared by those who wrote negative comments, always with intellectual honesty - that An, according to some, should not be dissolved because it could undermine the power to influence choices and even place their men in this or that board of directors, well let me say that if that were the case then we should dissolve really. Why the National Alliance was not a party but a party of power with government culture. That is something completely different. There were lights and shadows. There was no moral superiority. There was maybe at some point, increased susceptibility to a culture of power. But there's no doubt who was in Fiuggi that threw the first seed of what later became the People of Freedom. The first seed because all Italians to rally in a post-ideological logic, a logic for the construction of the future, reveals a more modern, more of a democracy of the European Union. Were fifteen years with ups and downs, as is natural. Dobbiamo però essere orgogliosi perché sono stati quindici anni di linea politica in qualche modo strategicamente orientata verso uno solo obiettivo. In questi anni il tatticismo ha prevalso nella politica italiana. Qualche volta, diciamolo, anche noi abbiamo fa 
tto il peccato di privilegiare la tattica alla strategia, ma si è trattato di piccoli peccati lungo un percorso che al contrario è stato lineare. La strategia a Fiuggi è stata quella di far nascere l´alleanza nazionale, l´alleanza tra gli italiani e, oggi, si compie quel percorso. Quindici anni di coerenza strategica, quindici anni in cui abbiamo privilegiato alleanze rispetto a spinte isolazionistiche e identitarie, quindici anni in cui abbiamo perseguito the goal through the support of all initiatives, from the referendum initiatives, designed to make irreversible the bipolar system and democracy of a more solid, fifteen-year alliance with the Friends of Forza Italy, fifteen years to support all initiatives to deliver the party politics of the past, the proliferation of factions more or less identity, the ideological dell'armamentario veterans of the last century to build a new Italy. Fifteen years and has done well to remember Ignazio La Russa, the alliance with Berlusconi and Forza Italy in good times and bad. But always, however, established an alliance, because Berlusconi has represented him well said Alemanno, one who has set in motion a policy that threatened to bog down, he represented the hopes and the fears of some Italians. He represented anything but a meteor, far from the leader of a party, plastic, anything but an incomprehensible approach to the eyes of Italians, because time is a gentleman, because democracy is the voters who give and take away the licenses. Italy was a new force in Italian political scene and because it was a novelty that had its roots in the past but somehow, just because of not having a past ideology, trying to manage the present and to build because of the its capabilities in the future, it was more natural that the National Alliance over the past fifteen years gave birth to a strategic alliance with Berlusconi's party. We've had difficult times, we had ups and downs, but over a period of fifteen years this has changed Italian history, that never happened between us and Berlusconi's party there was the time of breaking incurable. It has happened with others. Some of this failure have not yet sewn together, others have this break metabolized and is returned to an alliance. What is certain is that between the Italian right and the party founded by Berlusconi's been a long haul because of misunderstanding, the fact of controversy, made of rough but also made up of a long wire core: trying to build an Italy that was different, that it was best that he had the eye looks to the past, that did not have nostalgia for a mediation center in which each is capable of, not so much to guide policy, but to soften the harshness. An alliance which was finalized a project for the new century. And today, giving rise to the PDL or PDL life takes place the last link in this long strategy. Because today, in my opinion, the conditions are there? First, because these fifteen years have made possible an alliance, not only among the ruling classes, which in some ways the alliance less solid, in the last fifteen years has emerged an alliance between the basic voters. Has emerged an alliance based on shared values. The PDL is anyone born after Dec. 2, according to others in the April 13 polls: he was born still in the ballot box or in the streets does not matter, it is certain that he had a long period of gestation and preparation lasted fifteen years. The People of liberty was born in San Babila with so-called speech of steps. At that time Mr Berlusconi has had the ability, in the most acute phase of the clash with the National Alliance, to raise. He raised maybe when no one believed any more. But there is no doubt that this union between our people and voters of Forza Italy had established over fifteen years. And why I say an alliance based on shared values? Why this is, in my view, the great difference that exists between the people of freedom and the other political party, the Democratic Party, which anticipated a more complete bipolarity through the meeting, the union's political history. It has been said the Democratic Party has created a cold fusion. The People of Freedom will be able to give birth to a hot melting, based on shared values? The question is legitimate but the answer is actually quite easy, obvious. Because today the PDL can be confident that this alliance now reach the last act, the most symbolic, that mostly involves the emotions, but it is natural to you very clearly what has happened in the last fifteen years. Because reference values \u200b\u200bare there and are the same. And are the values \u200b\u200bof the European People's Party. What was the figure of the political difficulties of the Democratic Party? It was not only the issue of leadership is not accepted by all, having had a large endowment popular Walter Veltroni, the primaries. The figure of the political difficulties of the Democratic Party was in its European location. Unable to say what a great European family is going to place the new party that arise from insufficiently metabolized between political culture in Italy were not only different from each other but in some case alternatives. We'll see if Mr. Franceschini or dissolve this new stage manager node that is the political problem par excellence. Because in the very moment when Italian politics is more and more European, at the same time when the challenges are increasingly beyond national borders, it can not be credible at home if you say "we have created a great new party" , and then be in the uncertain position in Brussels as part of the great European families. There is a third way in Europe between the European Socialist Party and Popular Party europeo.Era the illusion that the PD was based on the inability to clearly explain what were the benchmarks, this difficulty we do not have one. We may have difficulty in merging the organization, may have difficulty in this or that association, may have difficulty in emphasis or absence of certain arguments of policy priority, but there is no doubt that we have no difficulty in ' indicate what are the benchmarks of the PDL. They are the reference values \u200b\u200bof the people of freedom, are the reference values \u200b\u200bof the European People's Party and the reference values \u200b\u200bare able to respond to those anxieties that not only Italian company, but the anxieties of Europe, the anxieties West. Because today there are conditions for this new, great, adventure? Why the crisis of the Italian left is not so much the crisis of consensus, the consensus comes and goes, in my view is a crisis of ideas. Why in the face of what are the new challenges that the future of the people at your door is the paraphernalia, luggage culturtale of the Left today shows that the rope. You realized that my friends in the past 15 years because she was born Fiuggi, not because she was born Forza Italy, but also for the AN and FI, in the last 15 years has disappeared from the lexicon of journalists, that phrase from the lexicon of politicians " cultural hegemony of the left "that Gramsci's time onwards had provided insurance for the Italian left the possibility of having permission? The Italian left today is a crisis of ideas, not in a crisis of organization. Franceschini is right to say, as he said yesterday, that have a large party of six to seven thousand circles. But the problem of a major political force in an era of bipolar with the challenges that are now on the shoulders of the West, is not only the organization, and ideas. That's why we must be optimistic about our futuro.Perché if you go digging a bit 'in what are the values \u200b\u200bof the European People's Party, which then of course we decline in our national tradition, then Well perhaps you have the answer to that is the crisis of the West, the anxiety of the West. What are these values? Certainly the awareness of the primacy of human dignity. It is the main value that should be guaranteed and protected by political action. It is the state's authority, is the dignity of the person. And if the value in guiding policy is that it is obvious that the state can not restrict freedom. The State must in some ways enhance the freedom, the State must ensure that all the pursuit of freedom. It is a conception of a cultural nature that has consequences when dealing with issues related to safety, relating to the legality. The iconography of the old law and order right now declined to be in a different way if you really believe that what we want is not the order of the barracks, is the order imposed against freedom, but is otherwise intimate that order in a cohesive society where there is defense and somewhat increased the dignity of the human person the dignity of the human person no matter what skin color, whatever you believe in God, whatever their social role. The primacy of human dignity. That concept that exists in the European People's Party and that is hard to establish itself in the Pd or the Party of European Socialists, on the need to create an action between the various institutional bodies and the various social bodies to be marked by that principle of subsidiarity which is not only the type of vertical subsidiarity, is that of horizontal subsidiarity which is absolutely necessary now that the state is no longer the juggernaut of the last century. And it is around these values \u200b\u200band others that you must then configure the action of a party, the PDL is able to answer to today's problems. The other big question, that value is clear in the manifesto of the EPP , the cultural synthesis that already in Fiuggi we saw before others, that message through which you must claim a social market economy which is the synthesis of certain cultural traditions of the past century that have fallen into disuse because they continue to maintain a their inner vitality. Today, what is it that sends a crisis many analysts linked to the schemes of the past? It is the dimension of the crisis, is the nature of the crisis. The economic crisis now comes primarily from the center of gravity that recently the market had moved on financial data. The financing of the economy has created the crisis. Which means that if you want to first give a message of hope but not only indicate a way out of crisis, must return the focus to the economy what is the actual production of wealth. The economy can not be based solely on finance because at the same time he does it can cause immediate and easy enrichment and impoverishment as immediate and easy. But not only enrich a few and impoverishment for entire peoples.
And that idea of \u200b\u200beconomy where the market is certainly the place to build wealth in charge but is somehow tempered by the action of regulatory institutions, the social dimension which is the cultural hub of the EPP, is not only the answer must be provided also in Italy and in much of Europe, is certainly an answer that is in full harmony with the traditional values \u200b\u200bof the Italian right and the traditional values \u200b\u200bof many of the Italian political forces that come together and give life to the PDL. And always in these answers to questions that do not questions are of little consequence, the value represented in the EPP by secular institutions. That EPP that time is no longer an international with the Christian-Democratic type. Secular nature of institutions that can not mean in any way deny the Church's magisterium, let alone to define the dimension that people have an identity of the religious aspect. The secular nature of institutions means - because it is a cornerstone of our Western culture for almost two centuries - a clear separation, not just as rightly said yesterday Berlusconi "any type of collateral, but mainly clear and explicit statement about the boundary that must separate the privacy with respect to religion. Because a truly secular state is at the same time recognizing the value of religion but places the value of religion in the choices that are of individual and personal, can not be chosen because collettivo.Ecco type, we could cite other examples The PDL can only be, as they said Gasparri and Matteoli, a culturally plural party. Let me say that should not and can not be a right-wing party, it must be a party where certain values \u200b\u200bare the right yeast, are the value added, are the element that is capable of producing a summary of policy and to make a leap forward in the ability of the party, not only to imagine the future of Italy, but to build it. A container large, airy, plural, inclusive, inter-class, open, of course unit. Unit but can not mean "a single thought," why is there a contradiction between people's freedom and unique thought. Unit but with the diversity of views. Certainly a democratic party, a party where there are rules - and that the statute Ignazio La Russa has read this warranty - but just as certainly we never, ever have to think and organize themselves according to the degeneration of democracy which is the correntocrazia. I want to say to all those who enter the PDL: PDL anyone to think in the current form of An. Why should this be the goal, my friends, was worth it then eat now? Was not it more useful and appropriate - if you think you can affect and determine what Quelch in terms of handling logic of power - held a party, an instrument of ten or twelve per cent? The PDL can not and must not have the current organization must have a healthy exchange of ideas and opinions, of solutions to the problems of today and even more problems tomorrow. Then a party but not organized in the democratic currents, but not a single thought unit, a party that can be configured so because it has strong leadership recognized. I think there was an excess of stucchevolezza in the debate that has so far accompanied - A leader is one, the two leaders are, what does Fini - my friends the PDL has a leader called Berlusconi. It is quite evident. After that, Berlusconi knows that a strong and recognized leadership in no case be the cult of personality. Why is one thing to be a leader, it is one thing to think that only those leaders can make a contribution of ideas, commitment, solutions, policies, guidelines summary. After that I said and I confirm: the leaders are not baptized, the leaders are not created at the table, leaders are born at the same time we have the political skills and there are those who aspire to lead a community . The problem of An and the PDL can not be that of leadership. The problem must instead be to ensure that the PDL is not a person but the party of a nation. That the PDL is the ability to give answers and to identify a project for Italy. Why do we need the PDL? because we have to imagine Italy ten or fifteen years. And since we are a government force, we must begin to build it. How it works? Other evidence that memories of the past. It means being aware of the problems that the country has. It means to ask what form such institutions should have. I hope that this legislature is a Constituent Assembly because Italy is likely to have the pace even slower than that of other European countries if it does not to a life of its constitutional reform that would counter a beautiful image of Censis a few years ago. According to those researchers Italy looked like a bumble bee, that could fly nearly winning the laws of physics, it seemed impossible and even got up from the ground. Then for a certain period of time a sort of chrysalis, the eternal transition. The PDL if it is to imagine Italy tomorrow and begin to build it must get it out there in the butterfly chrysalis. We have an institutional system that is outdated and can not be only a step in forgetting the inner consistency of a system. It is necessary that there is in this legislature, not so much a fresh start on the issue of institutional reforms but there is more awareness that is necessary to entrust the chief executive who is chosen democratically and freely by the voters the right and duty to govern, the more you have to say for the Parliament's role to check. The presidential system is an essential point of call for modern Italy, but the presidential system can not be a Parliament that is put into a corner and in which you chide not to disturb the operator. Parliament must again become the place of the control. Perhaps fewer laws in Parliament, but more power to control, more power to address, because that really work democracies that are oriented in the semi-presidential or presidential duties. In the U.S., the occupant of the White House is the most powerful chief executive of the world, but at the same time there is a Congress that has a central role, a monitoring role, a role of address. Institutional reform is essential for an Italy more modern. It is essential for there to be, implemented after the federal-level tax at the level of government, a federal-type institutions. But what the PDL expects to enter into the country in Parliament and a discussion with the opposition on a policy of institutional reform that would strengthen both the powers, executive and legislative branches? What do you expect the Parliament to declare the end of bipolarity perfect? We can not have them allow both Houses of Parliament with the same features and identical powers. The problem is not only to the parliamentary rules that are outdated, that is the time to pass a law is on average twice that of other countries, for all the mechanism that makes sure that if a law is changed by a single comma must back in the other branch. So a room that gives confidence, a room that has a great power to control and direction over the other to represent the territory, autonomy, the regions, to represent that federalism is widespread. A new institutional form. Italy fifteen years is also conceived in its international role as a euro-Mediterranean role, because that is the fate of Italian in a European policy in recent times - perhaps could not be otherwise given the Union of twenty-seven Union and given the difficulties in the absence of the Treaty of Lisbon - seems to have lost the consciousness that the Mediterranean is the heart of much of Western culture, is the heart of all who may be moments of confrontation and, God forbid, to clash with other civilizations. Think
idea of \u200b\u200bItaly in the Mediterranean and think at the same time for the next ten years what will be the degree of cohesion Nord-Sud. The issue of our South can not disappear from the political debate. And I mean the avoidance of doubt: the danger is not federalism. Indeed, in some aspects of fiscal federalism represents an opportunity for empowerment of the southern ruling class. Perhaps, if well implemented, federalism will be just the pick that will blow some logical patronage, some logical para-mafia. But the problem is the weakness of our South of the State. Because there is no doubt that the North-South competition, competition in the Mediterranean, the South may see a player only if the state is present. As for the construction of infrastructure and with regard to the guarantee of legality. I wish that we build together the PDL is present on the occasion of these major events occasionally take place in the South as it did yesterday in Naples in the name of law and in the name of fighting the mafia. Why is not the prerogative of a party, because it is foolish to think that it can be only one part to raise those flags, because our social cohesion and southern Italy will only be granted if the State in the South will be with absolute certainty as to infrastructure gap that must be removed. And with absolute firmness with regard to its legality. And yet think of a project for Italy's future in its institutional form, its location in the Mediterranean, in the national cohesion that has to give back to the South a positive protagonist, thought in his economic arrangements as the crisis there, because nobody knows what is before us. Why understanding the confrontation between the majority and opposition due I believe that the PDL is to address the problem of how to translate the new testament that is not the only north-south agreement is the covenant between categories, is the compact between generations. Why Italy or save the whole of the crisis or may not be saved. And I think we should take back that assumption I made on other occasions, in different guise, then speaking as chairman of the House. The government is right to make its own choices and the opposition accuses of course and somehow opposed other ideas, other ideas, but if we really aware of the extent of the crisis, we do not exclude those states to create a general economy, that confrontation between social partners, employers, lands from which they can possibly get out a shared vision and in some ways a positive solution to a crisis that does not about this or that aspect of society, but that is all our society. So this is a great task, imagine Italy fifteen years and begin to build it. A big task for a large political movement, a great political movement of people that certainly there is, the percentage of agreement is high, but also a political movement of ideas, proposals and synthesis. And this is the challenge. Do not take the our identity, do not take our flag, but to take our ability to read Italian society and to identify what is needed to respond to problems. It would be a huge demonstration of myopia to think of the people of freedom only with the perspective of the merger of organization. Even at the risk of appearing presumptuous of me to tease journalists tomorrow, let me mention De Gaulle: "La politique d'abord, the Intendencia suivre." As will be organized as federations or the new party will be organized is important, but can not be the object of attention, concern, and certainly not the reason why you must be convinced in PDL. Because the issue is first and foremost as a project for Italy tomorrow, what ideas, what policies, such as synthesis, which leads if you want. We have to question everything, from me. I am aware, I accept the challenge. Everyone in the discussion. For some will be less advantageous position, for a few more opportunities will open up, perhaps unexpected, positive, but the challenge must be addressed. We are aware. We should not fear that even this alliance, this meeting, this historical fact may in some way dilute the identity, make it lose. There was a sort of mantra autoconsolatorio, I've heard so many times. It is rightly so, but be careful - my friends - There were some doubts in Fiuggi. Someone even went, because he thought it was impossible to keep creating an identity for the National Alliance. Then someone in the name of the identity sought other avenues have proved of lanes closed. Closed but not by the nomenclature, closed by the voters. The voters have chosen April 18, there was our symbol on the card, and then there was the PDL who proudly said "I'm right." And the result is known. The identity is not like the blanket, autoconsolatoria. The identity is not guaranteed with the high-sounding slogan, with the declamation, with more or less muscular rhetoric of propaganda. The identity, when it is based on values, must be able to give answers, state of the roads, to steer a path, and is the reason why we should not worry about the PDL of our identity. We have to worry about the identity of the Italians in ten, fifteen years because the polar star is one we have spoken about the love for our land, love for our country, the challenge is: how Italy will be in ten years, what will be the identity that will have our country. And we must begin to build that identity, combining modernity and tradition that has always, somehow, the binary forced the Italian right. And, mind you, there are challenges. They are huge. I would like the PDL do not compare between former Alliance and Forza Italy and the former of the other parties, I wish the PDL groped began to provide answers to some already knocking at the door, which in some cases have already entered. Is it not true that our society in ten or fifteen years will be very different from what it is today? And that will for the first time in the history of the Italian people a multi-ethnic, multi-religious society? When you are confronted with the issue of immigration, it can not be done only with the logic - but right - most of those who want more order and security, therefore, necessarily wants us to be the expulsion of illegals.
This is not the issue. The real big issue is that we are in a country that has always demographically older and that will inevitably be more and more people in the near future will be without Italian children of Italian, with other stories behind it, with other identities, other cultures . It is a great challenge that Italy has never lived than other countries. It is a challenge that is essential to be clear to distinguish assimilation from integration. Be clear about the important meaning of the language, be clear that a multiethnic society necessarily tends to be a kind of multi-religious society, This does not mean of course create a kind of agnosticism. From this point of view the identity of the Italian people in religious terms is clearly oriented to what is Christian and Catholic teaching. But there will be more and more comparisons with other religions in Italy. A multi-racial society, a society that poses problems in terms of education, in terms of guarantees of rights, because if we want to be consistent with what we say, if the first is always and only the human person, then it is obvious that you can not discriminate - If the first is the human person - in the case of an immigrant, was also illegal. It is a great challenge, a challenge that is not addressed with the rhetoric, does not deal with the slogan, is not addressed by showing the muscle, is faced with if there is the ability to think, to answer in terms of culture. Look at what happens outside our borders. Even if this were not enough because, as an increasingly multiethnic society, in the heart of the Mediterranean, the Italians put the problem in a completely new relationship with Islam. It raises the question of the relationship with Islam in a time when the dividing line between the clash of civilizations and dialogue among civilizations is still uncertain, with all that implies. From this point of view, I think it is clear that fundamentalism, all forms of fundamentalism, is a powerful additive for Professionals the prospect of a clash of civilizations. And I do not think the PDL, the party of 40 percent, he wants to imagine the future of our country in ten years or less may unwittingly take sides in a logic of confrontation. We must necessarily encourage an interview, to promote understanding in respect - of course - of identity, but in a policy that is based on the repudiation of any notion of superiority or fundamentalism. It is a cultural challenge - my friends - and the Italian Left in these matters has not yet been able to provide convincing answers. Now it's up to us. The consensus is wrong and also because it has the capacity to intercept not only the fears, but to intercept and respond positively the hopes of the Italians. And yet, what it means to think of Italy in ten, fifteen years? It means thinking about what can cause the spread ever wider in society than it is rightly called moral relativism, the lack of principles, the confusion that is increasingly made between what is right and what is not is. And I think the answer in terms of culture, in terms of education, starting from the youngest, must be disclosed in our part of what I like to call an ethic, an ethic of republican responsibilities, which is most evident at an ideal pantheon, as much if it is spoken, not of right, but a pantheon Italian society over the next decade there should be those figures right in the name of duty and institutions have given their lives. Do not you fight relativism, "who makes me do it", not the most distinguishing what is right from what is not, if not saying the ethics of duty and the prize that a company must necessarily be able to recognize those who sacrifice themselves for that duty. And I thank those who, I think it was Fabio Granata, wanted to remember - when speaking of identity - a proud activist in Fuan, many years ago: the national purse. We remember him because he was not militant Fuan. And again, without getting bored, thinking that Italy is to begin tomorrow to ask questions of this nature. There is a clear act in the crisis of liberal capitalism. It is unthinkable to the crisis of liberal democracies? Because who knows history knows that the two structures have been born and have grown together. And what's the answer that should come from Italy? An Italy that can not be merely a suburb, but should be back to the forge where ideas are born, the place that feeds a debate that is not only within national boundaries. And yet, there is a risk of social atomization. It is not only the cohesion debate on North-South, are increasingly close relations that bind together Italians, even the fathers to the children. It is essential that Selfishness is opposed to a widespread practice of solidarity as prevalent. And once again, is not a question of culture, is a political challenge. And how, as an initiative to translate it into law, so that the PDL is the pillar of the Italian Government and will be expected for the entire term and perhaps for the next. We can not manage a political consensus against the current opposition. We try to manage the consent of Dream of Italy tomorrow and if anything, proving that the current opposition does not know how to give the answers because maybe not imagine Italy tomorrow. Here, they are not easy challenges. They are certainly difficult challenges are challenges that can not be tackled with the logic self- the party that has defined the scope of his consent. If the task had been to then we might as well keep An, is hope that the 12 becomes 13, 14. Not answer the challenge that the future already leads in every home and every home within the European Union with the logic of those who is still closely with the head in the last century. And it is a reason why we must overcome the Pillars of Hercules, we must think big, fly high. We must try to provide the answers the Italian company needs. You may obtain the consent of fueling the fear, you must obtain the consent by offering hope and the certainty with a coherent, able to build that future. I think this is the great task the PDL, a great movement of people, which must be both a great movement of ideas. It will be the most difficult challenge: to demonstrate that not really changed much since 1946, but since 1994. In `94 we, the sons of the exiles to their homeland were called to come to terms with their past. Today, the protagonists in the country, we are called to begin An deal with the Italians tomorrow. It's a completely different perspective, is a great historical mission to be lived with enthusiasm, those who enter the PDL credono.Entrino those who really love Italy. Enter those who believe in the goodness of their and our ideas, so let me conclude with a slogan of our youth, with simplicity and at the same time the effectiveness of the slogans: If you are afraid to say that the ideas are worth nothing or you believe or not is nothing those who are afraid. Do not be afraid of the future, we must be aware of the possibility of building it right now. We must lay the heart beyond the obstacle, and work with the same tenacity with which we have done for so many years. Today ends the National Alliance, founded the People of Liberty, continues our love for Italy.
0 comments:
Post a Comment